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Latest History NCERT Notes, Solutions and Extra Q & A (Class 8th to 12th)
8th 9th 10th 11th 12th

Class 8th Chapters
1. Introduction: How, When And Where 2. From Trade To Territory The Company Establishes Power 3. Ruling The Countryside
4. Tribals, Dikus And The Vision Of A Golden Age 5. When People Revolt 1857 And After 6. Civilising The “Native”, Educating The Nation
7. Women, Caste And Reform 8. The Making Of The National Movement: 1870s-–1947

Chapter 4 Tribals, Dikus And The Vision Of A Golden Age

In 1895, a figure named **Birsa Munda** gained prominence among tribal communities in the Chottanagpur region of Jharkhand. He was believed by many to possess **miraculous abilities**, such as curing illnesses and multiplying grain. Birsa himself asserted that he was a divine messenger appointed to protect his people from trouble and liberate them from the oppression of **dikus**, a term used for outsiders.

Birsa belonged to the **Munda tribe**, but his followers included other tribal groups like the **Santhals and Oraons**. These communities were experiencing significant discontent under British rule, facing challenges that disrupted their traditional way of life, threatened their livelihoods, and seemed to endanger their religious beliefs.

This chapter explores the issues Birsa sought to address, who the 'dikus' were and how they exploited the tribal people, the impact of British rule on tribal lives, and the resulting changes they experienced.

Tribal societies traditionally had **customs and rituals distinct from those of Brahmans**. They typically lacked the rigid social hierarchy characteristic of caste systems. Members of the same tribe considered themselves united by **kinship ties**. However, some social and economic differences could still exist within tribal groups.

Women of the Dongria Kandha tribe in Orissa wading through a river on their way to the market.

Fig. 1 depicts women from the Dongria Kandha tribe in Orissa crossing a river en route to the market. This image illustrates a traditional aspect of tribal life involving interaction with the environment and participation in local trade, activities that were often impacted by colonial policies.


How Did Tribal Groups Live?

During the 19th century, tribal people across India engaged in diverse activities to sustain themselves.

Some Were Jhum Cultivators

Some tribal groups practiced **jhum cultivation**, also known as **shifting cultivation**. This method involved cultivating small plots of land, primarily in forests.

The process of jhum cultivation:

Shifting cultivators were commonly found in the **hilly and forested regions of north-east and central India**. Their way of life was intrinsically linked to their ability to **move freely within the forests** and utilise land for cultivation. Restriction of this movement directly threatened their practice of shifting cultivation.

Some Were Hunters And Gatherers

Many tribal groups relied on **hunting animals and gathering forest produce** for their survival. They viewed the forests as absolutely essential for their livelihood.

The **Khonds** of Orissa's forests are an example of such a community. They participated in collective hunts and shared the meat among themselves. They gathered fruits and roots from the forest and extracted oil from seeds like **sal** and **mahua** for cooking. Forest shrubs and herbs were used for **medicinal purposes**. They also sold forest produce in local markets.

Forest produce was also important for trade. Local weavers and leather workers depended on the Khonds for supplies of **kusum and palash flowers**, used to dye clothes and leather.

Dongria Kandha women in Orissa carrying pandanus leaves from the forest.

Fig. 2 shows Dongria Kandha women in Orissa bringing pandanus leaves from the forest. This activity is an example of collecting forest produce, which was a vital part of the livelihood for many tribal communities, providing resources for food, shelter, and trade.

Tribal groups obtained items they didn't produce themselves (like rice and grains) through **exchange** of their forest produce or by **purchasing** them with small earnings. Some took up **odd jobs** like carrying loads or building roads, or worked as labourers on peasants' fields.

When forest produce became scarce, many tribals had to travel farther in search of labour. However, some groups, like the **Baigas of central India**, were reluctant to work for others. They considered themselves "people of the forest" who should live off forest produce, viewing labour for outsiders as beneath their dignity.

The need to buy and sell also led to tribal communities' reliance on **traders and moneylenders**. Traders sold goods at high prices, while moneylenders provided loans (often at very high interest rates) to meet cash needs. This dependence on outside commercial agents often resulted in **debt and poverty** for the tribals, leading them to view traders and moneylenders as harmful outsiders (**dikus**) responsible for their suffering.

Some Herded Animals

Many tribal groups were **pastoralists**, living by herding and rearing animals like cattle or sheep. They migrated with their herds based on the seasons, moving to new areas when grazing land was depleted.

Examples of pastoral tribal groups include:

Map showing the location of some tribal groups in India.

Fig. 3 is a map indicating the geographical distribution of some tribal groups in India. This helps visualise where different communities, engaged in varied activities like shifting cultivation, hunting-gathering, or pastoralism, were located across the subcontinent.

Some Took To Settled Cultivation

Even before the 19th century, some tribal groups had started transitioning towards a more settled life. They began **cultivating land in one location year after year** instead of moving. This involved adopting the use of the **plough**.

Over time, these settled groups often acquired **rights over the land** they cultivated. In some instances, like the **Mundas of Chottanagpur**, the land was considered the property of the entire **clan**. All clan members were seen as descendants of the original settlers who cleared the land, giving them collective rights. Within these clans, some individuals gained more power, becoming chiefs while others remained followers. More powerful members sometimes rented out their land instead of cultivating it themselves.

British officials held a prejudiced view, considering settled tribal groups like the Gonds and Santhals to be **more "civilised"** than those who practiced hunting-gathering or shifting cultivation. Forest dwellers were often labelled as "**wild and savage**" and believed to be in need of being settled and civilised by the British.

A log house being built in a village of the Nyishi tribes of Arunachal Pradesh.

Fig. 5 shows the construction of a log house in a village of the Nyishi tribe in Arunachal Pradesh. This illustrates a traditional housing style and the practice of community cooperation, where the entire village participates in building homes, reflecting a settled lifestyle contrasting with nomadic practices.


How Did Colonial Rule Affect Tribal Lives?

Colonial rule brought significant and often detrimental changes to the lives of tribal groups in India.

What Happened To Tribal Chiefs?

Before the British arrived, tribal chiefs often held considerable importance. They enjoyed **economic power** and the authority to **administer and control their territories**. In some areas, they even had their own police force and made rules regarding land and forest management.

Under British rule, the powers and functions of tribal chiefs underwent substantial changes:

These changes stripped the chiefs of the traditional authority and respect they held among their people, making it difficult for them to perform their traditional roles within the community.

What Happened To The Shifting Cultivators?

The British were wary of tribal groups who practiced shifting cultivation because they were constantly on the move and lacked fixed residences. The British preferred settled populations as they were **easier to control and administer**.

The British also sought a **regular source of revenue**. To achieve this, they introduced **land settlements**:

Under these settlements, some individuals were designated as landowners, while others became tenants who were required to pay rent to the landowners, who in turn paid revenue to the state.

The British attempt to force jhum cultivators into settled plough cultivation was often **unsuccessful**. Plough cultivation is unsuitable in many areas inhabited by shifting cultivators, particularly those with **scarce water** and **dry soil**. When jhum cultivators were forced into settled farming, their fields often yielded poor crops, leading to suffering.

In north-east India, jhum cultivators strongly resisted the imposition of settled agriculture, insisting on their traditional practice. Facing widespread protests, the British were eventually forced to allow them to continue shifting cultivation in certain designated forest areas.

Bhil women cultivating in a forest in Gujarat.

Fig. 6 shows Bhil women engaged in cultivation in a forest area in Gujarat, demonstrating that shifting cultivation persisted in some regions despite British efforts to stop it. The image clearly shows cleared patches of land within the forest, typical of the jhum cultivation method.

Tribal workers in a rice field in Andhra Pradesh.

Fig. 7 depicts tribal workers in a rice field in Andhra Pradesh. This image shows a more settled form of agriculture, likely wet rice cultivation, and contrasts it with the shifting cultivation method seen in forest areas. It might also suggest tribal people being drawn into labour for settled agriculture.

Forest Laws And Their Impact

Since tribal life was deeply interconnected with the forests, changes in forest laws under colonial rule had profound effects.

The British asserted complete **control over all forests**, declaring them **state property**. Some forests, particularly those yielding valuable timber needed for building ships and railway sleepers, were classified as **Reserved Forests**. In these forests, tribal people were strictly **prohibited from moving freely**, practicing jhum cultivation, collecting forest produce (like fruits), or hunting animals.

This posed a direct threat to the survival of jhum cultivators and other forest-dependent communities. Many were forced to **migrate to other areas** to find work and sustain themselves.

However, restricting access to forests created a new problem for the British: a **shortage of labour** needed to cut trees for railway sleepers and transport logs. Colonial officials devised a solution:

To ensure a steady supply of cheap labour, the Forest Department established **forest villages** in many regions.

Source 2 presents a song recorded by Verrier Elwin in the 1930s, reflecting the hardship faced by the Baiga tribe under British rule. The lyrics lament the difficulty of life, highlighting the presence of various officials (landlord, Kotwar, Patwari, government) extracting taxes. The song specifically mentions having to sell essential livestock (cow, buffalo, bullock) to pay different taxes (cattle tax, forest tax, land tax), leaving them struggling for food. It starkly portrays the economic burden and disruption of their traditional life caused by colonial taxation and control.

Many tribal groups **resisted** the imposition of these colonial forest laws. They **disobeyed** the new rules, continued their traditional practices despite them being declared illegal, and sometimes resorted to **open rebellion**. Notable examples include the revolt led by **Songram Sangma in Assam in 1906** and the **forest satyagraha movements in the Central Provinces in the 1930s**.

Godara women weaving.

Fig. 8 shows Godara women weaving. This image depicts a traditional craft practiced by some tribal communities. Such traditional skills and economic activities were often impacted by changes in land and forest laws under colonial rule, affecting their access to raw materials or markets.

The Problem With Trade

The increased presence of **traders and moneylenders** in forest areas during the 19th century created significant problems for tribal groups. These outsiders sought to buy forest produce, offered cash loans, and recruited tribals for wage labour. It took time for tribal communities to fully grasp the negative consequences of these interactions.

The case of **silk growers** in present-day Jharkhand illustrates this exploitation. Indian silk was highly valued in European markets in the 18th century, leading to a rapid increase in exports. The East India Company actively encouraged silk production to meet this demand.

In areas like **Hazaribagh**, where the **Santhals** reared silk cocoons, traders sent agents to provide loans and collect the cocoons. The Santhal growers were paid a very meagre price, typically $\textsf{₹}$3 to $\textsf{₹}$4 for a thousand cocoons. These cocoons were then transported to places like Burdwan or Gaya and sold at approximately **five times the purchase price**.

The **middlemen** (traders' agents) who facilitated these transactions made enormous profits, while the silk growers earned very little for their labour. This exploitative system led many tribal groups to view the **market and the traders as their main adversaries**.

A Hajang woman weaving a mat, with a baby carried on her back.

Fig. 9 shows a Hajang woman weaving a mat while carrying a baby on her back. This image highlights the multi-tasking expected of women in many communities, including combining domestic responsibilities like childcare with productive work, often related to traditional crafts or resource utilisation.

The Search For Work

The situation was even worse for tribals who had to leave their homes to find work. From the late 19th century, the expansion of **tea plantations** and the growth of the **mining industry** created a demand for cheap labour.

Tribal people were recruited in large numbers to work in the tea plantations of Assam and the coal mines of Jharkhand. Recruitment was often done through **contractors** who paid extremely low wages and used deceitful tactics to prevent the workers from returning to their homes and families.

Coal miners of Bihar in 1948.

Fig. 10 shows coal miners in Bihar in 1948. By the 1920s, tribal workers constituted a significant portion (around 50%) of the miners in the Jharia and Raniganj coal fields. Mining was incredibly difficult and dangerous work, with high fatality rates, reflecting the harsh conditions faced by tribal labourers recruited for these industries.


A Closer Look

Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, tribal communities across India engaged in numerous acts of resistance and rebellion against the changes imposed by colonial rule. These included protests against new laws, restrictions on their traditional practices, new taxes, and exploitation by traders and moneylenders.

Examples of tribal uprisings:

The movement led by **Birsa Munda** was one significant example of such resistance.

Birsa Munda

**Birsa Munda** was born in the mid-1870s into a poor Munda family. Growing up around the forests of Bohonda, he engaged in typical childhood activities like grazing sheep and playing traditional music and dance.

Due to poverty, his family frequently moved in search of work. As a young man, Birsa was exposed to stories of past Munda uprisings and heard leaders (**sirdars**) speak of a **"golden age"** before the arrival of **dikus** when the Mundas were free. These leaders inspired people with the idea of regaining their ancestral rights and reclaiming their land, seeing themselves as descendants of the original inhabitants fighting for their 'mulk' (kingdom).

Birsa attended a local missionary school and listened to missionaries' sermons. He heard promises of attaining a "Kingdom of Heaven" and regaining lost rights if they converted to Christianity and abandoned their "bad practices." He also spent time with a Vaishnav preacher, embracing ideas of purity and piety, wearing the sacred thread (Janeyu).

Birsa's movement was a complex response to these influences and the changes around him. While influenced by some ideas of reform (urging Mundas to stop drinking liquor, clean villages, and reject witchcraft), he ultimately turned against the missionaries and landlords, viewing them as outside forces destroying the Munda way of life.

In 1895, Birsa called upon his followers to restore their "glorious past," envisioning a **"golden age"** or **"satyug"** (age of truth). In this vision, the Mundas lived virtuously, cultivated their land through practices like building embankments and using natural springs, planted trees, and lived honestly without harming each other. Birsa encouraged his people to return to working their own land and settling down to cultivate.

The **political objective** of Birsa's movement deeply worried the British authorities. Birsa aimed to expel missionaries, moneylenders, landlords, and the colonial government, establishing a **Munda Raj** under his leadership. These 'dikus' and external forces were identified as the root cause of the Mundas' suffering. The British land policies had undermined their traditional land system, moneylenders and landlords were seizing their land, and missionaries were critical of their traditional culture.

As the movement gained traction, the British arrested Birsa in 1895 on charges of rioting and jailed him for two years.

Upon his release in 1897, Birsa resumed touring villages, rallying support. He used traditional symbols and language to mobilise people, urging them to fight against "Ravana" (representing the dikus and Europeans) and establish his kingdom. Birsa's followers began targeting symbols of the outsiders' power, attacking police stations and churches and raiding the property of moneylenders and zamindars. They raised a **white flag** as the symbol of the proposed Birsa Raj.

The movement lost momentum after Birsa died of cholera in 1900. However, the Birsa movement was significant for two main reasons:

  1. It pressured the colonial government to enact laws aimed at preventing the easy transfer of tribal land to outsiders (**dikus**).
  2. It demonstrated the capacity of tribal people to **protest against injustice** and express their anger towards colonial rule, doing so through their own unique rituals and symbols of resistance.

Postal stamp issued in memory of Birsa Munda.

This image shows a postal stamp issued in memory of Birsa Munda. His commemoration reflects his importance as a leader of tribal resistance and a significant figure in Indian history against colonial exploitation.